Read History of Christian Philosophy in the Middle Ages Étienne Gilson 9780813231952 Books

Product details Paperback 850 pages Publisher The Catholic University of America Press; Reprint edition (January 11, 2019) Language English ISBN-10 0813231957

History of Christian Philosophy in the Middle Ages Étienne Gilson 9780813231952 Books Reviews

• A theme running thru much of Etienne Gilson's works -- including "History of Christian Philosophy in the Middle Ages" -- is Thomism [of St. Thomas Aquinas] being the Quintessence of Medieval Christian Philosophy. Thomism even being the Quintessence of all Western Christian Philosophy and related Theology -- seems to be favored by this author. This reader finds this thesis rational after some study of Etienne Gilson -- especially "History of Christian Philosophy in the Middle Ages" -- versus other works and views, for and against, Rational Faith.
  
  Etienne Gilson sees a long-term on-going tragedy in the disruption of Scholasticism [and Thomism] by the Condemnation of 1277 -- and, the resulting increase of suspicion of Philosophy -- and philosophical reasoning and rational viewpoints -- by many theologians. This Rosicrucian reader sees that the West is still recovering from irrational divisions between Religion and Science as well as Theology and Philosophy -- and personal tensions between Faith and Truth. A spot-on resolution of such dialectics seems to be Rational Faith.
  
  This very fine work may help individuals contemplate the above concerns -- while getting a careful survey of some of the major aspects of Medieval Christian Philosophy. Included are most major influences on and proponnents of Medieval Christian Philosophy -- including Classical, Jewish, Medieval and Islamic influences and proponnents. If nothing else, interested readers may at least increase in respect for the Middle Ages -- and the manifold rich aspects of those times -- including Rational Faith +++
• This book was minted in 1955 and is in excellent shape. Excellent author writing on a profound subject matter. Definitely a keeper.
• This work tells several stories, and tells them well; it is my intention, in this review, to concentrate on one. This story is the dissolution of the scholastic world for reasons that were not inherent to it. While, as has been noted in many places, one can say that with the birth (and death) of Christ History ceased to be a Tragedy and became (in Dante's sense) a Comedy, - that is, the direction of History was now rising, no longer falling - the actual history of Christian thought remained, in at least one way, a Tragedy for Etienne Gilson. The tragedy is the missed opportunity represented (for Gilson) by Thomism, which was (more or less) abandoned, in the wake of the ill-conceived Condemnation of 1277, for the (so-thought) `doctrinally sound' via moderna.
  
  The deep cause of the Great Condemnation was the importing of Arabic (or Islamic) philosophy, most especially the philosophy of Averroes, into the Latin West. Now, in my opinion, Gilson, while understanding correctly that the Latins mainly learned from the Islamic philosophers (Falasifa) and not the Islamic (Ash'arite) theologians, overestimates the piety of the falasifa. His work, on this point, is dated - it lacks, for instance, the relatively recent editing/publishing of some crucial works of Farabi - but, nevertheless, he gives an intelligent, and essentially correct, reconstruction of how the Latins understood their Islamic predecessors. Gilson correctly notes that men like "Alfarabi, Avicenna or Averroes, who were neither theologians nor even what the West would have called clerics, were not to be seen at the universities of Paris, of Oxford, nor, in fact, anywhere in Europe in the middle ages." The importation of such an alien stance into Western scholasticism was to have remarkable consequences.
  
  The specific (or greatest) problem, I think, boils down to the understanding of the relationship between Philosophy and Theology as taught by Averroes. Gilson is well aware of this (for him) troubling understanding. Averroes, Gilson explains, is trying to both safeguard philosophy from those unworthy of it while, at the same time, trying to protect the faithful from philosophy. Gilson notes that Averroes "saw the remedy in an exact definition of the various levels of comprehension" of revealed texts and the shepherding of each reader to his exact level. Broadly speaking, according to Averroes, there are three types of people; those capable of understanding philosophical demonstration, those satisfied with probable explanations, i.e. dialectics, and lastly, those that can only respond to exhortation, rhetoric, imagination and passion. Not to put too fine a point on it; theologians are incapable, according to Averroes, of rising above dialectics.
  
  Averroes main point here, according to Gilson, "is that each spirit has the right and the duty to understand the Koran in the most perfect way of which it is capable." Now, thanks to these three levels of comprehension, "[t]wo consequences follow immediately from this principle. The first is that a mind should never seek to raise itself above the degree of interpretation of which it is capable; the second is that one should never divulge to inferior classes of minds the interpretation reserved for superior classes." In fact, as Gilson notes, "according to Averroes, theology is the worst type of speculation precisely because it is neither faith nor philosophy, but, rather, a corruption of both." You can see how dangerous, to Christianity and its theologians, such an interpretation necessarily is. The frank teaching of the necessary superiority of philosophy to theology could only wreak havoc in the midst of a scholastic culture where philosophy was always but a tool of theology.
  
  It did, in spite of the tremendous effort of Aquinas to make Aristotelianism safe for Christianity. The problem is the Latin Averroists. Men like Siger of Brabant and Boetius of Dacia continued to hold, in the Parisian Faculty of Arts, verboten Averroistic positions. It must be remembered that Averroes is not, in fact, the be-all and end-all of Aristotelian interpretation. As Gilson says, `{t}o speak of an Avicennian, an Averroistic or a Thomistic Aristotle is to point out three different interpretations of a fourth one." The Latin Averroists insisted upon the conclusions of (an Averroistic) philosophy even in the face of Revelation and Dogma. They are, according to Gilson, guilty of "identifying Averroes with Aristotle, and Aristotle himself with philosophy" and furthermore, maintaining, "that necessary philosophical conclusions could contradict the teaching of Christian revelation."
  
  "Averroism was pitting the universe of the "philosophers" against that of the "theologians," and even though it expressly maintained that the universe of the theologians was the true one, it also maintained that the universe of the philosophers was that of natural reason." There are two crucial points here that one must note first, we see the so-called double-truth theory in all its naked `splendor' and, secondly, we see that Reason and Faith are viewed here as irreconcilable and necessary opposites. It is inconceivable that there would be no reaction. There was first in 1270, a condemnation of 13 articles by the Bishop of Paris, Etienne Tempier. The tide was turning; for instance, Aquinas himself, at this time, writes `On the Unity of the Intellect against the Averroists".
  
  Gilson's handling of the Great Condemnation of 1277 is itself interesting. "[W]ithout consulting the Pope even by messenger, Etienne Tempier is supposed to have proceeded motu proprio to a doctrinal condemnation." Gilson seems to imply that the Papacy approved this condemnation even though no evidence has ever been found. Perhaps, since one of the targets of the condemnation -Aquinas- was later canonized, the documentation was `conveniently' lost.
  
  Be that as it may, the condemnation had dire consequences for any attempt at a unified view of reason and revelation. It is no wonder that, from 1277 on, the belief in the rational demonstration of metaphysical Christian tenets declines, they are now though to be "only knowable in the light of revelation." As Gilson correctly observes, "Scotism and Ockhamism are dominated by the desire to insure the freedom of the Christian God with respect to the world of things. Greek necessitarianism is the Carthage they are eager to destroy." Gilson goes on to say a little later, to "the necessitarianism of the Greeks Scotus will oppose the contingency of the operations of God ad extra and, within man, the radical indetermination of the will. The omnipotent God of Ockham will be another devastating attack against the determinism of the Greeks." In attacking Greek necessitarianism and determinism (i.e., Aristotelianism) the Latin Schoolmen turned away from the via antiqua and towards the via moderna; i.e., the God of Will and his nominalistic world. ...Insofar as this maneuver led to the modern world, we are all still reeling from the consequences of this.
  
  This is a first rate study, with superb notes (over 250 pages), that I heartily recommend. Do not shrink from the tragic story it tells. It is shameful that this book hasn't been reprinted.
• I just reread Gilson's HCPMA and now understand completely the influence it has had ever since it was first published. This book remains not only an original effort, but a classic in its field.
• Excellent!
  Thank you!
  tjd
• In good shape can read it easily.